Research indicates that immigrants have played a vital role in generating business activity and driving economic growth in Australia leading to greater diversity in the labour force and positive benefits to the broader economy. The research further stated that migrants lift the economy, and give it a boost by up to one percent a year.
The average migrant arriving since performed better than Australian-born employees, with positive spill-over effects on GDP and the living standards of all Australians. Migrants actively contribute to growing the population of Australia and increasing consumption levels which result in increased GDP and economic growth. Additionally, migrants attract capital inflows from their country of origin into Australia with research indicating that in OECD countries, a 1 percent increase in the number of migrants can lead to an approximately 0.
Further, higher levels of migration also show a positive correlation with lower spending per capita by the government on social services since migrants are predominantly of working age and therefore are more likely to contribute towards tax revenue than be dependent on social services. Empirical evidence estimates that migrants accounted for increased levels of labour productivity growth and knowledge sharing in Australia, in the years leading to the global financial crisis.
The geographic mobility of labour helps to increase the spread of knowledge and diverse experiences among countries which lead to advancements in technology and innovation. This is a vital contribution to Aggregate Demand and the levels of GDP production and economic growth in this nation. This would only multiply exponentially with the annual intake of migrants. Migrants contribute significantly to the tax revenue of the government. They usually arrive in Australia at a time when their taxable income is at its highest and their use of government services like health, education and aged care is at its lowest.
The history of immigration and the multicultural policy in Australia has been a long journey of facilitating an environment where migrants can fully participate and add value to the economy.
Further, the changing demographic composition of Australia is largely indicative of the inevitable effects of an ageing population and migration allows the economy and society time to adjust and increase labour force participation rate, in order to sustain economic growth levels and provide for a society where the proportion of people working and delivering income tax revenue, is less than the number of people dependent on government social services.
It is also necessary that current economic and social policies address the growing needs of migrants in that they receive adequate social assistance and are successfully integrated into their respective communities in order to help better alleviate the stresses of migration and working in a new culture.
The Australia we currently live in has been shaped by decades of successive waves of migration and helped to strengthen the cultural, economic and ethnic diversity of our nation. The Home Office acknowledged that 'links between social deprivation and extremism is [sic] not simple cause and effect', but there was a need to address the underlying 'discrimination, disadvantage and exclusion suffered by Muslim communities as by other minorities '.
In November , the outer suburbs known as les banlieues of Paris and other large cities in France experienced severe rioting, as young people of immigrant background protested policing practices, entrenched discrimination and disadvantage faced particularly by young people of African and North African background. In the Netherlands—a country seen as 'the European bastion of toleration and multiculturalism through the second half of the twentieth century'—by the beginning of the twenty-first century there was a perception that integration policies for minorities had failed, that multiculturalism was a threat to social cohesion and the Muslim minority in particular posed a problem for Dutch society.
A number of European countries, including the Netherlands, the UK, France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Austria and Denmark, responded to the challenges presented by immigrant integration by introducing more restrictive immigration and citizenship measures. In official discourses at the national and, increasingly at European levels, civic integration is presented as the required antidote to the alleged failures of multiculturalism and the alleged creation of parallel worlds within societies owing to increasing ethnic and cultural heterogeneity.
However, critics have questioned whether restrictive and more onerous sanctions-based legal and policy measures are in fact counterproductive for achieving integration and social cohesion, as they can further compound the marginalisation of immigrant communities and have a deleterious impact on their sense of belonging. The social conflicts from which some EU member states are currently suffering represent a direct expression of opposition to a conservative notion of 'we' and a homogenous and anchored 'national identity'.
They are also an intense reaction towards restrictive immigration, citizenship and integration policies and discourses. Attempts to defend national identity have also manifested in controversial and highly politicised public debates about restricting symbolic expressions of diversity, with recent debates being largely preoccupied with symbols of Muslim cultures. In November the Swiss people overwhelmingly voted in favour of a proposal from the far-right Swiss People's Party SVP to introduce a national ban on the construction of minarets on mosques.
A number of European countries, including Belgium, France, Italy and Spain, have in recent months moved towards legislating to ban the full-body covering garment, known as the burqa, which is worn by a relatively small minority of Muslim women in Europe. Critics argue that debates about the symbols of Islam detract public attention from the 'real issues' facing Muslim communities, including, racism, educational outcomes of young people, and broader indices of integration.
Europe is currently hallmarked by greater mobility of its populations, for many different reasons, and by the emergence of minorities. Every state needs to learn to take an intercultural approach to dealing with the multicultural society which is developing. Multiculturalism was a policy introduced in Australia to deal with the settlement needs of migrant communities and was conceived as a means of recognising the preservation of cultural identities and achieving social justice and social cohesion.
However, in 30 years of the policy's existence at various levels of government, both in Australia and overseas, the policy and concept of multiculturalism have undergone considerable debate and change in both governmental and academic discourses.
Irrespective of debates and changing political and community perceptions of the term 'multiculturalism', societies have inexorably become more diverse in that period, with the result that, as recognised by the NSW Community Relations Commission, in March , the need for the government services and programs established under policies of multiculturalism has not diminished, but is only expected to increase.
Globally, migration is a growing and increasingly complex phenomenon as people are moving and forging connections between countries in rapidly evolving ways.
In considering the utility of a concept and policy like multiculturalism questions arise as to whether it can be further developed, or whether there is a need to find new concepts in the national vernacular to articulate the contemporary nature of diversity and change in Australian society. In order to understand the impact of multiculturalism on Australian society and to assess the ongoing relevance and potential of multiculturalism for dealing with contemporary challenges there is a need for clarification in public debate of the nature and basis of multiculturalism as it was appropriated and developed in Australia.
As government policy in Australia, multiculturalism was primarily concerned with cultural and linguistic diversity; while recognising the need to cater to the linguistic needs of ethnic communities, unlike Canada, multiculturalism in Australia was always premised on the supremacy of the English language; and it was premised on the supremacy of existing institutions and the rule of law. As Australian Government policy articulated the relevance of multiculturalism to all Australians in the s, multiculturalism began to grow beyond its origins as an element of settlement policy to become a pillar of Australia's nation-building narratives.
While programs and services under policies of multiculturalism have been serving migrants entering Australia from different parts of the world for decades, today there are multiple generations of Australians of various cultural backgrounds who have grown up in societies marked by diversity, and growing global connectedness, and who as a result have increasingly complex claims of identity and belonging.
Can the concept of multiculturalism contribute to expanding the capacity of Australian identity narratives to encompass multiple forms of belonging? Does multiculturalism have a role to play in enabling the demographic diversity of the Australian community to be represented and reflected in cultural, institutional and governmental structures of Australian society?
Do the experiences of other countries illuminate the role that discursive narratives of multiculturalism play in articulating and increasing acceptance of, and engagement with, multicultural realities? Many of the issues faced by multicultural societies today transcend national borders and raise broader questions about how liberal democracies are to respond to the challenges of diversity.
As a concept and policy that was originally concerned primarily with linguistic and cultural diversity both in Australia and overseas, how can multiculturalism deal with growing religious diversity and the issues raised by religious expression, often mediated by cultural practices, in secular liberal democratic spaces?
Does multiculturalism have a role to play in addressing enduring social inequalities and the challenges faced by minority communities in diverse societies such as Australia and elsewhere?
What is the role of the media and educational institutions in contributing to understanding across differences in multicultural societies? Public discourse has played a central role in shaping the way that Australians have come to view multiculturalism as a concept and policy.
In the context of increasing diversity, the question remains as to how multiculturalism can be meaningfully engaged with, and whether such engagement can contribute to the development of new concepts that can enable more productive public discourses about the challenges and transformations resulting from increasing diversity. South Australia.
Adelaide, Queensland Government, A multicultural future Western Australia. Northern Territory. Australian Capital Territory. Another significant piece of legislation enacted in this period was the Australian Citizenship Act Cth. M Lopez, The origins of multiculturalism in Australian politics —, op. M Lopez, The origins of multiculturalism in Australia politics — , op. Ibid, p. See the section entitled 'State and territory multicultural policies' below.
I am grateful to Dr. James Jupp for this point. Ibid, pp. G Tavan, John Howard's multicultural paradox , op. Australian Government, Our nation: multicultural Australia and the 21 st century , op. The Committee was established to enquire into and report on Australia's immigration policies, and reported to the Minister for Immigration, Local Government and Ethnic Affairs. NMAC, Australian multiculturalism for a new century: towards inclusiveness, op. J Jupp, From white Australia to Woomera , op.
Andrew Jakubowicz characterises this period as signalling a dramatic change in the multicultural agenda, A Jakubowicz, Auditing multiculturalism: the Australian empire a generation after Galbally , op cit. Hanson had previously been selected as a Liberal candidate for Oxley but was later disendorsed by the Liberal Party for her controversial views on services for Aboriginal Australians. NMAC, Australian multiculturalism for a new century: towards inclusiveness , op. Australian Government, A new agenda for multicultural Australia , op.
Australian Government, Multicultural Australia: united in diversity— updating the New agenda for multicultural Australia: strategic directions for — , op. Australian Government, Multicultural Australia: united in diversity—updating the New agenda for multicultural Australia: strategic directions for — , op.
A Jakubowicz, Auditing multiculturalism: the Australian empire a generation after Galbally , op. The National Action Plan was developed in consultation with the Muslim community and state and territory governments following the London bombings of July Australian Government, Budget measures: budget paper no.
P Karvelas, 'Multiculturalism departs stage left from job's title', The Australian , 15 September , p. P Karvelas, 'Multiculturalism departs stage left from job's title', op. Lopez argues that '[t]he establishment of the Ethnic Communities' Council of Victoria is one of the most significant events in the progress of multiculturalism.
It had a profound impact on how multiculturalists were able to present themselves and their demands to governments, ethnic groups and the general public; and on the way governments, ethnic groups and the general public perceived multiculturalists and their goals, principles, values and policies', M Lopez, The origins of multiculturalism in Australian politics —, op.
The Federation of Ethnic Communities Councils FECCA is the national peak body representing ethnic communities councils and continues to be outspoken on issues of multiculturalism. For the principles of multiculturalism as enumerated in s. The principles of Victorian multiculturalism are set out at s. Ibid, See for example, the results of a study on attitudes towards Muslims in Britain, France, Germany, Spain and the United States, which found that security concerns are the strongest driver of negative attitudes towards Muslims across all five countries, R Wike and B Grim, 'Western views towards Muslims: evidence from a cross-national survey', International Journal of Public Opinion Research , vol.
For explanations of these various schools of multicultural thought and an indication of the various individuals who supported each school please refer to Lopez's detailed study, M Lopez, The origins of multiculturalism in Australian politics —, op. Lopez also identifies others who theorise across various schools of multicultural thought to advance notions of 'democratic pluralism' Jayasuriya , post-nationalist 'civic pluralism' Kalantzis , and 'citizenship for a multicultural society' Theophanus.
T Dreher and C Ho, 'New conversations on gender, race and religion', in T Dreher and C Ho eds , Beyond the hijab debates: new conversations on gender, race and religion , op. M Lopez, 'Reflection on the state of Australian multiculturalism and the emerging multicultural debate in Australia ', People and Place , vol.
See also Senate Select Committee for an Inquiry into a certain maritime incident , A certain maritime incident , op. M Grewcock, Border Crimes: Australia's war on illicit migrants , op.
J Collins, 'The landmark of Cronulla', op. An eyewitness account of the Cronulla demonstration of 11 December ', People and Place , vol.
See G Tavan, John Howard's multicultural paradox , op. However, fellow Liberal politician, the Federal Member for Kooyong, Petrou Georgiou, criticised the abandonment of the term multiculturalism, see P Georgiou, Australian citizenship in the 21 st century: speech to the CO. J Collins, 'Crossing borders: lessons from the Cronulla riots', op. See also, J Masanauskas, 'New word of the day' op. Y Narushima, 'Mixing pot is back in multicultural Australia,' op.
For example, the Victorian Government's multicultural policy recognises the changing nature of needs and expectations arising from the increase in transient migrant groups, such as international students and temporary skilled migrants, VMC, All of us: Victoria's multicultural policy , op.
S Marginson, International student security: globalisation, state, university , speech to the World Universities Forum , Davos, 9—11 January , p. S Castles and M Miller, The age of migration: international population movements in the modern world , op. W Kymlicka, The current state of multiculturalism in Canada and research themes on Canadian multiculturalism — , report prepared for Citizenship and Immigration Canada, January , p.
W Kymlicka, The current state of multiculturalism in Canada and research themes on Canadian multiculturalism — , op. J Reitz, 'Getting past "yes" or "no": our debate over multiculturalism needs more nuance', op. C Wong, 'Who belongs? U George, 'Immigration to Canada', op. D Leal, 'Latinos, immigration and social cohesion in the US', op. However, in a sign of enduring unease with the presence of Islam in the US in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks, proposals for the building of a new Islamic Centre near the site of the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Centre, provoked protest, with one of the organisers of the Centre characterising opposition to the plan as 'beyond Islamophobia.
For example: debates about the 'reasonable accommodation' of minorities in Quebec were followed by the introduction of a bill in Quebec's provincial legislature in March requiring Muslim women or others who use face-covering veils to remove them in order to work in the public sector or do business with government officials. As Reitz points out, Quebec's preference for a provincial policy of 'inter-culturalisme' reflects the political origins of the policy of multiculturalism in Canada, coming as it did in the wake of a resurgence in Quebec nationalism in the s, J Reitz, 'Getting past "yes" or "no": our debate over multiculturalism needs more nuance', op.
D Coleman, 'Immigration and ethnic change in low fertility countries: a third demographic transition', Population and Development Review , vol. Commission of the European Communities, A common agenda for integration: framework for the integration of third-country nationals in the European Union , op. See for example, E Vasta, 'From ethnic minorities to ethnic majority policy: multiculturalism and the shift to assimilationism in the Netherlands', Ethnic and Racial Studies , vol.
A Schmelz, 'Immigration and integration policies and practices in Germany', op. I am grateful to Dr James Jupp for this point. A cross-national study of public opinion found that the perception of the existence of extremism in the Muslim community and concomitant security threats were the key factor behind negative views of Muslims, R Wike and B Grim, 'Western views towards Muslims: evidence from a cross-national survey', op.
Anti-immigration parties have in recent years obtained over ten per cent of the vote in elections in seven countries across Europe, including 27 per cent in Switzerland, A Markus, J Jupp and P McDonald, Australia's immigration revolution , op. The Swedish election of 19 September resulted in the anti-immigration Sweden Democrats party winning 20 seats and 5.
One press report indicated that 'Sweden has been regarded by many outsiders as a bastion of liberalism and tolerance—immune from far right politics. However, the integration of minorities The results of a study on attitudes to Muslims in Britain, France, Germany, Spain and the United States found that security concerns are the primary driver of negative views towards Muslims and that even concerns about cultural threats ultimately feed security concerns: 'It is not so much a perception that Islam is incompatible with Western society that leads to negativity, as it is the perception that extremism exists within the community of Muslims', R Wike and B Grim, 'Western views towards Muslims: evidence from a cross-national survey', op.
I Michalowski, 'Immigration to France: the challenge of immigrant integration', op. C Slade, 'Shifting landscapes of citizenship', op. S Carrera, 'A comparison of integration programmes in the EU: trends and weaknesses', op. France, the UK and the Netherlands, for example, also introduced integration measures as a condition for entry, that are imposed on migrants prior to their departure from their country of origin.
Similarly, in the UK and Germany, whereas naturalisation 'used to be perceived as a means for integration' naturalisation has been recast as 'the finalisation of a completed integration process', R van Oers, 'Citizenship tests in the Netherlands, Germany and the UK', in R van Oers, E Ersboll, D Kostakopoulou eds , A re-definition of belonging?
R Minder, 'Spain's senate vows to ban the burqa', op. See also: T Modood, Multiculturalism—a civic idea , op. An example of such a reconceptualisation was contained in the Report of the Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain, which attempted to 'usher in a new national narrative of Britain' that emphasised a new understanding of community and cultural belonging, Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain CMEB , The future of multi-ethnic Britain , Profile Books, London, , cited in S Vertovec, Transnational challenges to the 'new' multiculturalism , paper presented to the ASA conference, University of Sussex, 30 May—2 April , p.
It has always been robust and muscular; it has always been committed to liberal democracy. First, the civic and non-partisan character of multiculturalism must be defended.
If the Australian public has a broad acceptance of multiculturalism, as the evidence suggests, then it is because our model has avoided political sectarianism. Australian multiculturalism enjoys — and rightly enjoys — political endorsement from all the major political parties.
Too often, however, there is missing a measured view of multicultural policy. Some on the progressive side of political debate see only rights, but not responsibilities. Some on the conservative side of political debate see only a recipe for cultural difference and not also one for political unity. It is something that is explicit about the sacrosanct nature of our parliamentary democracy and our rule of law. It says that while we should accept cultural diversity, we must also affirm and protect our liberal democratic institutions.
It says that we should endorse values of civility and respect. These are not radical ideas, but deeply conservative ones. A second challenge concerns the legal architecture of multiculturalism — namely, the Racial Discrimination Act. An official multiculturalism would mean little were it not supported by laws that guarantee equal opportunity in public life. Over the last forty years, the Racial Discrimination Act has done this, and it is important that it continues to do so.
But in much recent debate about the Act, there continues to be widespread misunderstanding about its provisions — especially section 18C, which makes it unlawful to offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate someone because of their race. There continues to be commentary, which suggests that section 18C stifles free speech by capturing conduct that is merely offensive.
Such commentary is misguided. Since it was introduced in , section 18C has been found by the courts only to apply when it causes serious and profound effects involving race; it does not cover acts which cause mere trivial slights or harms. And it remains rare for complaints about racial discrimination to reach the courts. For example, in , the Australian Human Rights Commission finalised complaints about racial discrimination.
Less than 3 per cent of finalised complaints in end up in court. The majority of complaints under the Act are successfully conciliated in , 67 per cent of complaints where there was a conciliation. As for the constitutionality of section 18C — to be more precise, the constitutionality of Part IIA of the Act — the body of case law to date suggests the law is settled on the issue. Understanding how section 18C works requires attention to section 18D of the Act, which explicitly protects freedom of speech.
This section protects anything that is done reasonably and in good faith that is artistic work or fair reporting and comment on matters of public interest. Among many critics of the Act, and among those calling for its review, there is a puzzling ignorance of this section of the legislation. The courts have interpreted this provision broadly. There have been numerous instances where acts causing racial offence have been found to enjoy the exemption of section 18D.
Yagan was a Noongar warrior shot dead in and whose preserved head was displayed in a British museum. Despite the racial offence taken by Noongar Aboriginal communities in Western Australia, the cartoons in the West Australian newspaper were found by the Federal Court to have enjoyed the protection of section 18D, being deemed to constitute fair comment.
If we are to endorse Australian multiculturalism, we should give it expression through the law. The law acts, among other things, to express our values as a society. Civility and respect are, as I noted earlier, values that transcend political divides. Again, we see in Australian multiculturalism and the Racial Discrimination Act , a spirit that could be described as conservative.
I would like to conclude by focusing attention on a third, and most urgent, challenge. As illustrated by a number of examples during the past two years, there are elements present in our society intent on pursuing violent extremism, using religious justifications.
These elements have no place in Australian multiculturalism. We must take care, however, not to judge entire communities by the actions of an extremist few; we must not allow stereotypes and prejudices to take hold. Last year, I conducted around the country consultations with communities about their experience of racism.
It was commonly reported by representatives of Muslim and Arab communities that public debates about terrorism were spilling over into disharmony within communities.
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